Tax Quacks
Copyright 1996 by Michael J. Hihn and Liberty
Issues. All rights reserved.
"Now comes the voodoo, recited by the supply-side cult.
'We can
pay for it all with economic growth, just like the 1980s. Revenues skyrocketed
after the Reagan tax cuts.' No ... they did not.
"Total federal revenues skyrocketed because of six FICA tax
increases between 1983 and 1990. Income tax
growth averaged less that $5 billion per year in constant
dollars."
"There is a lesson from the 1980s. Tax cuts indeed stimulate
economic growth, without triggering inflation. Even steep cuts, like Reagan's, can keep tax revenues
growing (if slowly). But without a significant recession
to recover from, tax cuts require spending
cuts."
(Updates/revisions,
June 2005: Added links to all cited sources for original
data. Added new table at the end with current data for
middle-class share of federal income tax revenues.)
Since the early 1980s, I've plugged hundreds of tax plans
into computer spreadsheets. I oppose ''progressive'' tax rates, so it's not
hard to set up. It's just impossible to do.
The spreadsheets have two components. One part totals the
revenues. The other part shows the impact at all income levels.
I've probably fiddled with every combination of tax rate and
exemptions. If I get the revenue right, taxes balloon on the poor and middle
class. If I work toward the poor and middle class, the deficit skyrockets.
This leads to Hihn's Principle:
It's impossible to replace the current federal tax code,
with a single flat tax, on income or consumption, without either: a)
exploding the deficit, or b) increasing taxes on the middle-class.
That should be common sense. Steve Forbes spent
over $30 million promoting the flat tax, and went nowhere.
Most voters knew, instinctively and correctly, that a flat tax
would increase their own taxes. For years, supply siders
(including Forbes) had kept insisting said most income
taxes are paid by a small percentage of taxpayers at the very top. Well, if all those
"progressive" (higher) taxes are flattened,
then who winds up paying them?
The French?
Forbes and Dick Armey get around that tax shift by simply creating
- out of thin air - large new exemptions for the middle class. Here again,
common sense should suffice. If everyone gets a 50% tax cut, what does that do
to the deficit? It explodes, as first reported by Liberty Issues two
years ago.
If politics made sense, this column would not be needed. But the
flat tax and the sales tax have assumed cult-like properties.
I assume our regular readers already know the flat tax and the sales tax
are quackery. You may want either of the two. So do I, but it can't be
done.
The purpose of this column is to show why it can't be done. From
that, we may rightly question the desperation of GOP tax policy.
Hihn's Principle has two causes. As documented below, The
middle-class pays a a smaller share of income taxes, relative to
its share of income. The wealthy pay a larger share of
income taxes, relative to its share of income.
In the Table below, shares of the tax burden are shown by income
category. This is for 1992, the latest data you can easily confirm on your
own.
Working down, the top 0.83% of taxpayers paid over a quarter of
all personal income taxes, on less than 14% of
all Adjusted Gross Income (AGI). That may not surprise you.
One subtotal lower, this one may surprise you ... the top 7% paid
more than half of all individual income
taxes, earning only 1/3 of AGI.
Skip now to the bottom subtotal,
showing the core of the middle class ($25,000-99,999). I
doubt you've seen this, anywhere, ever.
Income
Taxes: Who Paid What? (1992)
Compares share of Adjusted Gross Incomes, vs share of
taxes paid, by income group.
(Dollars in billions) (Data updated at
bottom of this page) |
|
AGI (Adjusted
Gross Income) |
% of
returns |
Total
AGI $ |
Total
taxes $ |
% of
AGI |
% of
taxes |
Avg
Rate/AGI |
To Pay
Actual Share |
|
TOTAL |
100.0% |
$3,629 |
$476 |
100.0% |
100.0% |
13.1% |
|
| $1
million + |
0.05% |
$177 |
$48 |
4.9% |
10.1% |
27.1% |
|
|
$200,000-999,999 |
0.78% |
$314 |
$77 |
8.7% |
16.2% |
24.5% |
|
|
Top 1% |
0.83% |
$491 |
$125 |
13.5% |
26.3% |
25.5% |
|
|
$100,000-199,999 |
2.5% |
$368 |
$67 |
10.1% |
14.1% |
18.2% |
|
|
$75,000-99,999 |
3.5% |
$341 |
$52 |
9.4% |
10.9% |
15.2% |
|
|
Top 6.8% |
6.8% |
$1,200 |
$244 |
33.1% |
51.3% |
20.3% |
|
|
$50,000-74,999 |
10.4% |
$712 |
$89 |
19.6% |
18.7% |
12.5% |
+4.8% |
|
$25,000-49,999 |
25.5% |
$1,040 |
$106 |
28.7% |
22.3% |
10.2% |
+28.9% |
|
$25,000-99,999 |
39.3% |
$2.093 |
$246 |
57.7% |
51.7% |
11.8% |
+11.6% |
|
(lower incomes) |
57.4% |
677 |
37 |
18.6 |
7.7% |
5.5% |
|
|
Source: 1995
Statistical Abstract of the United States, Table 534 |
Avg Rate/AGI: Total
Taxes divided by Total AGI.
To Pay Actual Share
is the tax increase required, to have each income group
pay a share of total taxes, equal to its share of total
income. |
Let's put that into perspective. What if this middle-class core
paid taxes equal to its share of income (57.7%)? The ''taxes'' column would
show $275 billion instead of $246 - an across-the-board tax
increase of 11.6% - for the middle class to merely pay its own
share. (see more recent data below
for 2001.)
This is not an argument for a middle-class tax increase. But it
begins to show why a flat tax is impossible, on income or on consumption. The
deficit would skyrocket, or middle class taxes would increase.
Period.
For the other half of the story, we need to know how much
of the personal income tax is now collected from ''progressive'' (higher) tax
rates. Or - how much revenue would be lost by simply repealing the higher
rates?
Roughly 70% of all taxpayers now pay the lowest marginal income
tax rate, 15%.
For taxpayers with AGIs of $50,000 or more, the average effective
tax rate was 22.8% on $1.454 trillion of taxable income (same source as
previous table).
An average rate of 15% is a tax cut of (22.8-15.0=) 7.8% times
$1.454 trillion. That's a revenue loss, and higher deficits, of $113.4 billion
per year -- back in 1992, plus the entire 1993 Clinton income-tax hike!
Case closed. That's why a flat tax can't work. No Republican is
proposing to cut spending by over $100 billion per year.
A sales national tax would be even worse. In addition to over $100 billion
now collected from progressive tax rates, there's another $118 billion (also
1992) from repealing the corporate income tax.
Now comes the voodoo, recited by the supply-side cult. ''We can
pay for it all with economic growth, just like the 1980s. Revenues skyrocketed
after the Reagan tax cuts.''
No ... they did not.
Income tax growth in the 1980s averaged less than $5 billion per
year in constant dollars, as shown by following Table. In 1980 dollars, annual
receipts increased less than $45 billion, for the ten years shown
-- and income taxes grew only half as fast as GDP growth.
Further, revenue growth came almost entirely from capital gains
taxes. Tax receipts on the basic wage base declined.
(It's important to adjust for inflation, because inflation was so
high early in the decade. A dollar in 1980 was worth only 63 cents in 1990.)
There is a lesson from the 1980s. Tax cuts indeed stimulate
economic growth, without triggering inflation. Even steep
tax cuts, like Reagan's, can keep tax revenues growing (if slowly). But
without a significant recession to recover from, tax cuts require spending
cuts.
By divorcing tax cuts from (sufficient) spending cuts, GOP tax
policy throws away the best argument for spending cuts. Play it
backwards: Spending cuts can create
economic growth - if matched with tax cuts.
One last point regarding 1980s tax revenues. In that column
noted earlier (Truth in Budgeting) I showed how a GOP shell game inflates
the effect of Reagan tax cuts - by including revenues from FICA taxes (Social
Security and Medicare).
FICA taxes increased six times between 1983 and 1990. That's
what caused most of the increase in total federal revenues.
Conservatives have taken to chanting, ''Liberalism is morally and
intellectually bankrupt.'' On tax policy, so is conservatism.
Update:
Middle-class share of income tax vs share of income (2001)
Dollars in billions. See disclaimer
|
AGI (Adjusted
Gross Income) |
% of
returns |
Total
AGI $ |
Total
taxes $ |
Total
AGI % |
Total
taxes % |
Avg.
Rate/AGI |
To Pay Actual
Share |
|
TOTAL |
100.0% |
$6,170 |
$888 |
100.0% |
100.0% |
14.4% |
|
|
$1 million + |
0.1% |
$579 |
$164 |
9.4% |
18.5% |
28.3% |
|
|
$200,000-999,999 |
1.8% |
$820 |
$203 |
13.3% |
22.9% |
24.8% |
|
|
Top
2% |
1.9% |
$1,399 |
$367 |
22.7% |
41.3% |
26.2% |
|
|
$100,000-199,999 |
6.5% |
$1,114 |
$185 |
18.1% |
20.8% |
16.6% |
|
|
$75,000-99,999 |
6.8% |
$764 |
$100 |
12.4% |
11.3% |
13.1% |
+10.1% |
|
Top 15.3% |
15.3% |
$3,277 |
$652 |
53.1% |
73.4% |
19.9% |
|
|
$50,000-74,999 |
13.5% |
$1,074 |
$114 |
17.4% |
12.8% |
10.6% |
+35.5% |
|
$30,000-49,999 |
18.8% |
$995 |
$82 |
16.1% |
9.2% |
8.2% |
+74.3% |
|
$30,000-99,999 |
39.1% |
$2,833 |
$296 |
45.9% |
33.3% |
10.4% |
+37.7% |
|
(lower
incomes) |
52.4% |
$824 |
$40 |
13.4% |
4.5% |
4.9% |
|
Disclaimer: This table is not directly
comparable to the 1992 data. Reasonable people
can disagree on how to define the middle class.
For me, it's more important that you can easily
check my sources and my math. So I stayed with
income ranges used in government tables. Originally,
$25,000-99,999 sounded good. For the update,
$30,000-99,999 sounded good, allowing for inflation
-- from choices available in the government tables.
To Pay Actual Share is the tax increase
needed for each group to pay a share of total taxes,
equal to its share of total income. Allowing
for disclaimer, it now takes a 37.7% tax increase on
the middle class, just to pay its own way -- versus
11.6% nine years earlier |
|
(Source: 2004
Statistical Abstract of the United States, Table 476.)
|
Back to original data.
Last Revision: 4/Jun/2005
|